A tale of two development models, writes Madhav Gadgil
Delhi under the AAP, and Goa under successive governments, offer two contrasting stories
All political parties today claim to be committed to developing India. Obviously, people desire development (vikas). The original meaning of “vikas” is blooming of a flower. Jain philosophers gave it the connotation of development. According to them, vikas is when the world is moving from great sadness to great happiness, avanati or regression is when it is moving in the reverse. Development is when the majority of people are moving from sorrow towards joy.
The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has now won for the third time. After winning the assembly elections, the party attributed its success to its development achievements, especially in education and health care. But its rivals also claim to be vigorously promoting development. Wherein, then, is the difference? I sought to understand what is going on by understanding people’s perceptions. So, after the AAP’s second victory, I contacted a party volunteer, a little-educated young man looking for employment. He stayed with his wholesale fruit vendor uncle in a poor locality. I went there, and for four hours, listened to the conversations in the shop.
The customers were those selling fruit on handcarts or by the roadside. They mostly talked politics. Most had voted for the AAP, and narrated that before the party came on to the scene, all political leaders arrived in fancy cars, sat on chairs while people sat down on the ground, never asked citizens what they wanted, but merely lectured them, and left. On the contrary, the AAP’s leaders sit with the people on ground, ask them what they want, and what the party can do for them. The AAP, they said, engages in caring development; others pursue their own agenda with arrogance.
It would appear that the AAP has delivered on its promises. Government schools have registered a pass percentage of 94.24% in Class 12 Central Board of Secondary Education examination, 3.5 percentage points higher than private schools. Many citizens of Delhi now prefer the efficient mohalla clinic to the “long waits for overpriced doctor consultations” at private hospitals.
In stark contrast is the arrogance of development in Goa. In 2010, I was appointed to the Goa Golden Jubilee Development Council, which was charged with suggesting appropriate directions for development in the coming years. In the first meeting, officials assured us that there were no problems with the mining sector. Distrustful of such statements, I went on field visits.
There were reports of agitation against mining by residents of Caurem village in south Goa. So I began with Caurem, which is known for a picturesque waterfall. I bathed there, and then talked with locals, who narrated their woes. I then climbed to the mine on the hilltop. Every mine has to submit an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) that is scrutinised, and if accepted, the mine can operate under certain conditions. This mine’s EIA claimed that it would affect no water sources. It was required to keep intact the vegetation on the streamsides, and not block the water sources. In reality, several streams originating at the mine site were blocked and streamside vegetation destroyed. When I requested the manager to explain, I received an astonishing response. He stated that there were no blue lines in the geological map, and I was obviously under some illusion. When anger against such mismanagement could not be ignored, the Justice AP Shah Commission was appointed. Its 2012 report on illegal mining in Goa stated: “[The] Mines and Minerals Act, was not observed, and no inspection was ever carried out resulting into ‘fear-free environment’ which has caused loss to the ecology, environment, agriculture, ground water, natural streams, ponds, rivers, biodiversity, etc.” It estimated illegal gains from such mining at ~35,000 crore.
The report led to the suspension of mining. The Supreme Court then conditionally permitted resumption. Immediately, protests by Caurem villagers began to be suppressed. The villagers then set up a multi-purpose cooperative society and proposed to take up mining that would be conducted lawfully and, in an environment-friendly manner, ensuring that profits reached common people instead of a wealthy few.
The government tried its best to discourage this effort, but the villages stood firm. It was then that their young leader, Ravindra, was unlawfully arrested and thugs were sent into the prison at midnight to liquidate him. Luckily, Ravindra’s screams attracted other prisoners, driving the thugs away. So Ravindra escaped with a broken arm.
The crony capitalist alliance of mine operators, babus and netas are afraid of the gram sabhas (village councils) actually stepping in. So, without making any moves to collect the ₹35,000 crore of illegal gains, the government has handed the mining back to the same mine operators. Prime Minister Narendra Modi had talked earlier of carrying out vikas as a jan aandolan (people’s movement), but in Goa, it has turned out to be a dhan andolan.
As soon as the AAP won in Delhi, a Bharatiya Janata Party supporter sent me an email: “This is a victory for handing out freebies. If such people take over our country will be reduced to the plight of Syria and Iraq.” One may ask: Last year, the AAP spent on education and health care about a third of the Goa government’s gift of ₹35,000 crore to guilty miners. What then will hurt India? The arrogant vikas in Goa, or the caring vikas in Delhi?