Grand Strategy | Pursuit of India’s national interest must stay away from narcissistic nationalism and self-pity
Instead of lamenting the absence of a seat at the UNSC, we must focus on shaping global conversations in ways we can
Popular narratives in India on the country’s global role tend to oscillate between narcissism and self-pity, with more thoughtful, reasoned and pragmatic arguments often getting short shrift. Arguments from narcissism go something like this: “India has arrived, and is today able to decisively influence world events”. And those suffering from self-pity lament “India is a poor country with little influence in the world...so don’t even try to be ambitious”.
While one section of the strategic community argues that “India can stop the Russia-Ukraine war”, the other section counters by saying “This is a fool’s errand for a country like India, which can’t even provide for its own people”. Both versions of the popular argument fail to capture what India can or not do in global affairs.
These two competing impulses are not only prevalent in popular narratives and social media commentary but often find support within the Indian strategic elite as well. That is precisely why we must unpack the extremes to see if there is indeed a sober middle path.
The cowboys of narcissism and the preachers of self-pity
There is not a day you won’t encounter the bombasts of narcissistic nationalism which come in several variants, either on social media or during casual conversations. The milder version would hold forth that “we are already a great power and will soon be the leader of the world” while the no-holds-barred extreme version would proclaim that “we have always been a superior nation”. Both views are premised on an exceptionalist view of the country but are ultimately delusional.
Delusional as they may be, it is not entirely impossible to understand the sources of such articulations. Some of these views must evoke a certain degree of empathy on our part but certainly merit no agreement. That ours is a country plundered and impoverished by colonial powers, reduced from its material glory to dire poverty, and a wounded civilisation sidelined by the West, are hard historical facts.
Then there is the talking down and mocking that the country is subjected to from time to time. From being openly called ‘dirty, unclean Indians’ to the subtler forms of racism that we continue to face, I understand the need to assert our national identity and claim our rightful place in the world. But delusional claims born of vanity or narcissism won’t help our cause; if anything, they would make it worse. Narcissistic nationalism, in other words, is not the answer to the unfair treatment that we are often subjected to.
Self-pity too has several variants. The milder version wants India to “hide its capability and bide its time” while the stronger version takes self-pity to the extreme: “A poor country must not have a bold, proactive foreign policy”. They argue that those seeking a larger role for India in the international system are doing it at the expense of domestic priorities.
An India grappling with such massive unemployment, malnourishment, illiteracy, and a per capita income less than that of Bangladesh is in no position to influence world politics in any meaningful way. Despite these domestic challenges, even if India aspires to play a global role, the country’s lack of a seat on the UNSC, non-permanent status in the G20, and minimal stakes in other global institutions will further limit its influence – the argument goes.
The arguments from national self-pity aren’t without any merit either. Their core concern is not that India shouldn’t engage in a proactive foreign policy per se, but that India’s large unfed, uneducated, unemployed population must come before foreign policy activism. The argument about priorities has its heart in the right place but lacks a nuanced understanding of how international politics works.
They also caution against overstretching external engagement considering the limited political and diplomatic bandwidth that the country’s leaders and senior officials possess. That too is a fair point – but the remedy is not non-engagement but getting more hands on the deck.
The narcissism vs. self-pity binary, though rooted in real concerns, is flawed as a policy approach for several reasons. Strategic inertia is not an answer for a 1.4 billion people nation – it will eventually come back to hurt us. A clear lesson from the history of international politics is that if you are not a rule-maker, you end up being a rule-taker. The reason why India must push for more influence in global politics today is also because this is perhaps the most opportune time to do so. Never in post-war history has the UN been this ineffective, and the systemic harmony of interests among the victors of World War II (plus China), which makes up the UNSC, no longer exists.
This presents a unique opportunity for rising powers like India to push for meaningful changes in the international order. The perfect time to play a larger global role, after resolving all our domestic problems, may never come. Systemic opportunities won’t last forever, and we will never solve all our domestic problems.
Therefore, instead of lamenting the absence of a seat at the UNSC, we must focus on shaping the global conversations in ways we can. For instance, India must play a lead role in helping shape the rules for the emerging global tech order, particularly in emerging areas such as AI, Space and the like, many of which evolving outside the high tables of the United Nations.
Policymakers must ensure that the country’s foreign policy doesn’t fall into this binary. As a matter of fact, neither narcissism nor self-pity captures India’s complex, rich and historical relationship with the world, nor should they be allowed to define the scope of India's true potential in global affairs.
Happymon Jacob teaches India’s foreign policy at JNU, and is the founder of the Council for Strategic and Defence Research. The views expressed are personal
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