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In Jharkhand, moving beyond identity politics

ByHT Editorial
Nov 28, 2024 08:06 PM IST

Jharkhand could do without the Hindu-non-Hindu and tribal-diku narratives vitiating social peace in the state

Hemant Soren was sworn in for the fourth time as chief minister of Jharkhand Thursday after having retained office with an enhanced majority in the legislative assembly. His is a remarkable political story for no subaltern (tribal/Dalit) leader in India — not even Mayawati — has ever managed to win back-to-back elections in a big state. This win also marks the emergence of Hemant Soren from the shadow of his father, Shibu Soren, the founder of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM).

The JMM-led INDIA bloc retained office in the face of a divisive campaign that focussed on a communal fault line centred on the alleged infiltration of Bangladeshi Muslims into the state (PTI)
The JMM-led INDIA bloc retained office in the face of a divisive campaign that focussed on a communal fault line centred on the alleged infiltration of Bangladeshi Muslims into the state (PTI)

In office, Hemant Soren has his task cut out. One, he needs to consolidate the JMM’s political gains — the party ducked anti-incumbency to increase both its seat and vote share in the assembly polls — and build his own legacy as an administrator. His last term was scarred by corruption allegations, including his detainment after the Enforcement Directorate accused him of involvement in a land scam. The JMM (and the INDIA bloc) dismissed the allegations as politically motivated and vindictive acts by the Centre. But the fact is Jharkhand needs better governance and better institutions. In the last term, Hemant Soren focussed on welfare promises; this term, he must improve the efficiency of delivery and the quality of public goods and services. Despite its natural riches, Jharkhand remains a relatively poor state, the JMM’s polemic on adivasi welfare, especially land ownership, notwithstanding.

The JMM-led INDIA bloc retained office in the face of a divisive campaign that focussed on a communal fault line centred on the alleged infiltration of Bangladeshi Muslims into the state. The diku (outsider/non-tribal troublemaker) featured prominently as a political trope during the Jharkhand movement mobilisation and hence, the narrative was expected to have a resonance in the state. It polarised the campaign but did not help influence the outcome. The new government needs to heal this wound, which can reappear in new ways, in multiple contexts. Jharkhand could do without the Hindu-non-Hindu and tribal-diku narratives vitiating social peace in the state.

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