The four variables that shaped Modi’s new team - Hindustan Times
close_game
close_game

The four variables that shaped Modi’s new team

Jul 10, 2021 07:54 PM IST

The politics of inclusive Hindutva, spatial expansion, performance legitimacy and electoral and party-building imperatives have driven the Union Cabinet expansion

The most significant expansion (in numbers) and reshuffle (of portfolios) of the council of ministers in recent history will strengthen the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) politically. Whether it improves the government’s performance is another question, but the entire exercise and the choices made by the Prime Minister (PM) reflect some fundamental strengths of the party, as well as reveal its future direction.

Inclusive Hindutva had arrived as an electoral phenomenon seven years ago. But the BJP’s very success created a new dilemma. The new support base wanted representation, the traditionally dominant were reluctant. The expansion of the council of the ministers is thus not a reflection of the BJP’s expansion into newer groupings, but a logical next step to sustain the base with a share in power structure (PTI)
Inclusive Hindutva had arrived as an electoral phenomenon seven years ago. But the BJP’s very success created a new dilemma. The new support base wanted representation, the traditionally dominant were reluctant. The expansion of the council of the ministers is thus not a reflection of the BJP’s expansion into newer groupings, but a logical next step to sustain the base with a share in power structure (PTI)

There are four important political dimensions through which the rupture in the governing arrangement can be understood.

Hindustan Times - your fastest source for breaking news! Read now.

The first is the steady consolidation of the politics of inclusive Hindutva. Before Narendra Modi and Amit Shah, the BJP had been unable to reconcile its quest to be an umbrella Hindu party with its inherently upper-caste dominated leadership, structure and ideological framework. Attempts to change this, most notably by LK Advani and former party general secretary Govindacharya, in the early 1990s, faltered because of upper-caste resistance — think of the marginalisation of both Kalyan Singh and Uma Bharti, tall Lodh community leaders who expanded Hindutva’s appeal, in the party.

Both Modi and Shah have long recognised that the BJP’s hopes of winning elections rested on representing the entire spectrum of Hindu society. This is also in line with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s stated principle of unifying Hindu society. And, therefore, since 2014, Hindutva became more inclusive in two ways.

One, it became inclusive by becoming even more sharply exclusivist vis-à-vis Muslims — vitriolic rhetoric and systemic marginalisation of minorities have been used to cement Hindu unity. But, in itself, this wouldn’t have been enough. The second method was playing on the PM’s appeal and his personal identity as someone from an Other Backward Classes (OBC) sub-group, integrating workers from non-dominant backward and Dalit castes into the party structure, and recognising their history, symbols and leaders.

This worked in elections. But the BJP’s very success created a new dilemma. Now, those who had voted for the party and believed that it had shed its upper-caste character wanted representation. This was not easy as the traditionally dominant didn’t want to give way. And that is why the expansion of the council of the ministers is not a reflection of the BJP’s expansion into newer groupings, but a logical next step to sustain the base. This is particularly true in north India, where OBC and Dalit workers of the party have not been happy with leadership positions, especially at the state level. Unable to fully break the upper caste stranglehold in state units without antagonising the core upper caste vote, Modi and Shah have found a way out by bringing in a range of ministers from these communities into the Union government.

Inclusive Hindutva had arrived as an electoral phenomenon seven years ago; it is getting institutionalised in the formal power structure now. With 27 ministers from OBC castes, 12 from Scheduled Castes subgroupings, and eight from the Scheduled Tribes community, the majority in Modi’s government now comes from traditionally marginalised groups. To clarify, this does not mean that the BJP is an all-inclusive party — as long as its outlook towards Muslims doesn’t change, this won’t happen. But it is paradoxically the most inclusive and the most exclusivist party in India’s electoral history.

If the first prism reflects the social depth of the party, the second reflects the politics of spatial expansion.

Take the Northeast. It says something about India’s dismal past record that Kiren Rijiju has become the first leader from a state as sensitive as Arunachal Pradesh to enter the Union Cabinet. It speaks as poorly that no native resident of Tripura had ever been a part of the Union council of ministers, till Pratima Bhowmik joined as minister of state last week. It reflects skewed priorities that a region as crucial as north Bengal (think Darjeeling hills and Chicken’s Neck) had not found space in governments, till two ministers, Nishith Pramanik and John Barla were picked last week. It is not just about what region is important strategically; giving representation is also important to enhance a sense of ownership and belonging to the nation.

To be sure, the BJP’s inductions were driven by realpolitik calculations, especially the north Bengal appointments which could be a precursor to giving the region a distinct identity to challenge Mamata Banerjee. But it does not take away from the geographical spread of the BJP, crucial for the party’s self-image as a national force. The party will continue with its outreach in new areas, and electoral success, in turn, will slowly impact the structure and representation patterns of the party. The Cabinet expansion is a step in that process.

The third prism to understand the rupture is Modi’s recognition that the politics of performance is crucial to legitimacy. The government has faced its most serious erosion of credibility in the past year, with simultaneous national security, public health and economic crises. The mismanagement of the second wave affected, in varying degrees, the trust in the PM himself. And while social engineering has its place, the party leadership knows that performance, the perception of good performance, and a turnaround on tangible metrics are crucial to change the narrative. It is not doing this to please critics with which the party shares a deeply hostile relationship, but to revive the depleted morale of its own base.

And that is why, if political considerations have largely driven appointments in the minister of state category, Cabinet appointments in key positions have been (largely but not exclusively) driven by who the PM sees as meritorious, what he identifies as priority sectors, and how he has aligned the two.

Bhupender Yadav has been the BJP’s most important office-bearer in the last few years, both because of his election management and parliamentary skills. He has been given labour and employment, a ministry traditionally relegated to lightweights but whose importance was so sharply apparent during the migrant crisis in 2020, as well as environment and climate, which will drive India’s future. The pandemic has extracted a huge toll on the aviation sector, which is crucial for connectivity, tourism, the economy, and what the PM refers to as “ease of living”. Jyotiraditya Scindia has been made in-charge of India’s skies to reverse the setback of the past year (and also, presumably, to see the Air India privatisation process through, a test case of India’s public sector failure). An Ashwini Vaishnaw brings nothing politically for Modi, but he is expected to combine his administrative, private sector, and international experience to manage the delicate balancing act of preserving the integrity of Indian laws while not coming across as a closed society in the battle with big tech. And, of course, health needed a reset — and Mansukh Mandaviya, who is both a Modi loyalist but also widely seen as a competent administrator, has been brought in.

The politics of inclusive Hindutva, spatial expansion and performance legitimacy is driven by that fourth final variable — the politics of electoral and party-building imperatives. These include preparing the party for state elections in the next three years, grooming a new generation of leaders, winning over crucial caste vote banks, changing the narrative on governance, and preparing for 2024.

The BJP has been quick to understand the shift in public mood, act on feedback, and make changes. Whether the strategy works, and governance improves, is to be seen.

letters@hindustantimes.com

Unveiling 'Elections 2024: The Big Picture', a fresh segment in HT's talk show 'The Interview with Kumkum Chadha', where leaders across the political spectrum discuss the upcoming general elections. Watch Now!
SHARE THIS ARTICLE ON
Share this article
  • ABOUT THE AUTHOR
    author-default-90x90

    History has an uncanny way of intruding into contemporary life and shaping our public conversation. A new controversy emerged recently over the relationship between Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Chandra Bose.

SHARE
Story Saved
Live Score
OPEN APP
Saved Articles
Following
My Reads
Sign out
New Delhi 0C
Friday, March 29, 2024
Start 14 Days Free Trial Subscribe Now
Follow Us On