The Sino-Russian joint statement is a crucial geopolitical development
The joint statement issued by China and Russia, following the visit of President Vladimir Putin to Beijing for the Winter Olympic Games inauguration could well be a game-changer
After months of speculation about the nature of Sino-Russian ties, the situation could not be more apparent. The joint statement issued by China and Russia, following the visit of President Vladimir Putin to Beijing for the Winter Olympic Games inauguration could well be a geopolitical game-changer.
Here are key snippets from the joint statement: The countries declare they are “world powers”. China is, in fact, a global power. The newsworthy point is that Russia is back with a vengeance on the world stage, and China strongly supports this. The countries also assert that they have long-standing traditions of democracy. Putin has been in power for over 20 years and Xi Jinping will get there. But they argue that there is no one-size-fits-all template in establishing democracy. Somewhat disingenuously, they say that democratic principles must be implemented at the global level as well.
The United Nations (UN) is given pride of place by both. As permanent members of the Security Council, they commit to defend a multipolar world order based on international law, including the principles of the UN Charter. But, even as they wax eloquent on the UN-driven international architecture, there is no talk of UN reform.
The concept of an Indo-Pacific strategy espoused by the United States (US) and others is opposed, with both standing against the formation of closed bloc structures.
Arguably, the most crucial feature is the reaffirmation of their mutual support for protecting their respective core interests, sovereignty, and territorial integrity.
For the first time, China opposes further enlargement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), a core interest of Russia; Moscow, for its part, reaffirms its support for the One-China principle, confirming that Taiwan is an inalienable part of China. The statement suggests that there are no “forbidden” areas of cooperation.
Seeking to quell reports of a possible difference in approach to the Eurasian continent, the joint statement is at pains to state that work is afoot to link the development plans for the Eurasian Economic Union with that of the Belt and Road Initiative, for the benefit of the Eurasian continent.
There is boilerplate language on specific issues such as the climate crisis, the Covid-19 pandemic, terrorism, nuclear disarmament and arms-control agreements.
An interesting part of the statement reads: “The two sides intend to. strongly uphold the outcomes of the Second World War and the existing post-war world order, defend the authority of the United Nations …”
This is a status-quoist declaration of intent at a time when multilateralism is considered a failure by many and the UN is crying out for reform. It is clear that neither China nor Russia seek to reconstitute a new world order; instead, they want to assume the leadership mantle of the existing one and show the US (and the West) their place. The existing plurilateral forums preferred by the two countries find favourable mention in the statement, including: BRICS, SCO, APEC and RIC.
In 1997, Boris Yeltsin of Russia and Jiang Zemin of China signed a joint declaration on a multipolar world and establishing a new international order. That statement was full of generalities: Mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-interference in internal affairs and peaceful coexistence as the basis for a new international order. They spoke then of abandoning the cold-war mentality and establishing a universal concept of security. Interestingly, there was an admission that developing countries and the non-aligned movement were important for a multipolar world.
The present Sino-Russian joint statement is different and constitutes an important geopolitical development. Three implications are discernible: One, a Sino-Russian axis is a reality. Two, this may disturb the strategic landscape by pitting the NATO-led West against the Sino-Russian axis. Three, India, for most of its independent history, has not had to face a common Sino-Russian axis. This is new, and India will have to find ways to manage this strategic challenge.
Mohan Kumar is dean/professor, OP Jindal Global University, chairman, RIS, and a former ambassador
The views expressed are personal