Who is afraid of the politics of caste?
The promise of a caste census could influence outcomes in the upcoming assembly elections but not do much for the cause of universal welfarism
Assembly elections have been announced in five states and caste census or politics of caste seems to have taken centre stage for parties opposing the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s politics of Hindutva. The politics of caste is not necessarily identity politics. It has some emancipatory potential. Those at the margins, therefore, traditionally made claims for representation and recognition based on caste.
Kanshi Ram, the founder of Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) who coined the slogan, Jiski Jitni Sankhya Bhaari Uski Utni Hissedari, has a very unlikely political inheritor in Rahul Gandhi now. Rahul Gandhi is now advocating a caste census and repeating the slogan of Kanshi Ram — which is in several ways antithetical to the political tradition of the Congress.
In academic and political circles alike, the caste census was considered a device of the colonial government to divide and discipline Indians. The last caste census was held in 1931 and no government since Independence has undertaken a caste census. At the stroke of midnight on August 15, 1947, we gained freedom and thereafter, the State attempted to create a caste-free India under a framework of Nehruvian socialism. Both the Congress and the BJP have since then opposed a caste census and the former’s position has been taken over by the latter now.
Today, the Congress is increasingly mimicking the “bahujanist” position on caste. A debate is raging over the moral, political and practical needs of a caste census as the Congress, along with its newfound love for bahujan politics and ideology, turns pragmatic. Do we need a caste census? What will it help achieve? What new aspect will it bring to our public life?
We have competing collective aspirations that govern our public life, the Hindutva aspiration of Hindu unity beyond caste with Brahmanic hegemony, the liberal dream of universal rights and equality, the socialist dream of material equality, the Ambedkarite casteless Utopia, and the progressive turn in OBC (other backward classes) politics that hopes to merge Ambedkarism and Mandal positionality to displace the hegemony of Hindutva. All of these work within the larger and broader social context of a highly unequal and corrupt social and political system that is economically and technologically advancing, mostly to create newer inequalities or reproduce the old ones of income and status.
In terms of policy requirements, adding caste as a category in the census has limited use as the demographics of caste are not totally unknown and all parties have access to electoral rolls that they use for broad estimations during elections. A census of caste can be useful if it provides information on the socio-economic status of caste groups. It is common knowledge that caste and class mostly overlap and that the castes of higher social status tend to have higher access to capital. However, a detailed break-up of how material resources are distributed can provide policy guidelines on how to organise redistribution. Again, even this data is available based on secondary studies. So, this will not necessarily be groundbreaking.
The caste census seems of critical political use in current times for the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) bloc of Opposition parties as the nation is gradually moving towards majoritarian ideas and ideals that privilege Hindus (pure castes) and simultaneously portray the minorities as outcasts. INDIA is hoping to make capital by framing pure castes as a privileged minority. This position is also emboldened by the fact that pure castes predominantly support the BJP across states. This is a deeply political position and totally new to the politics of the Congress. This strategy is majoritarian indeed, but the logic of such majoritarianism can be defended under the project of social justice. Newer and even irrational claims of reservations in jobs and education will be made, a process that is now institutionalised by introducing reservations for economically weaker sections (EWS) by the BJP.
Any intellectual with liberal or socialist leanings is bound to be troubled by the caste census and the ensuing politics or recognition. For liberals, the emergent possibility of a free individual beyond caste is largely demolished with the entanglements of identity politics that may follow the caste census. How do we enumerate individuals who are born out of inter-caste marriages? What about the choice to have no caste or religion? A logical liberal concern is, therefore, to ask if we can have a progressive universal politics of welfare beyond caste and religion. These are all genuine concerns and need not be undermined. Beyond the political and pragmatic interests of the INDIA bloc, does the politics of caste census have anything more to offer? Are possibilities of universal welfare and politics totally overruled? Can there be broader solidarities and universal welfare policies along with politics of recognition/caste?
Contemporary developments in Karnataka under Siddaramaiah may have some answers. The recent scheme of basic universal income for women in the state is functional along with the politics of AHINDA — a kind of bahujanist alliance from below.
Does the politics of caste and recognition enable Hindutva’s politics and mobilisation? It does if the politics of caste is reduced to caste census and reservations. Reservations have in many ways averted the possibility of caste wars in India and, simultaneously, enabled Hindu solidarity. Hindutva gains from such solidarity as it mobilises for aggressive and inclusive Hindu citizenship. The BJP not being a family-based political party also helps this exercise of claiming genuine nationalism.
The caste census and the logic of bhagidari have other limitations. How will the interests of castes that are socially and numerically marginal gain? Should the doubly marginalised social groups receive special consideration? The Congress and the INDIA bloc may meet their pragmatic goals in politics with a caste census but a larger churning in society is required for non-religious and anti-caste solidarities along with universal welfarism beyond particularistic concerns.
Suryakant Waghmore is professor of Sociology, IIT-Mumbai. The views expressed are personal
Continue reading with HT Premium Subscription
